The presence of US troops in Central and West Africa is proving increasingly unwelcome. On Wednesday, the State Department announced that the United States would soon begin an “orderly and responsible withdrawal” of more than 1,000 U.S. military personnel currently deployed to Niger.
Just 24 hours later, reports said the Pentagon would withdraw 75 Army Special Forces members from neighboring Chad as early as next week, amid uncertainty over whether Washington's Status of Forces Agreement with the vast country can be maintained or renegotiated. was there.
The United States has sought to co-opt military governments in both countries, maintain a long-standing counterterrorism relationship, and build military assets such as a $110 million drone base in the Nigerian city of Agadez, which served as a surveillance base across much of the Sahel. You want to preserve your assets. In its April 24 announcement, the State Department also emphasized that Washington “welcomes” the move. [the junta’s] There is an interest in maintaining strong bilateral relations. ”
However, the growing rejection of the US military in Africa's Sahel region shows that the US, which has blatantly sacrificed democratic principles in favor of security ties, will ultimately not be tied to either party. ing.
The past four years have seen political upheavals in the Sahel region, including a series of military coups and a sharp rise in anti-Western, especially anti-French, sentiment, two trends that have interacted to create the current opposition to the U.S. government. It's creating criticism. Anti-French sentiment in the Sahel is not new, and there are legitimate grievances regarding both France's colonial past and present political, economic and military influence.
But over the past decade, anti-French sentiment has taken on new forms and spread to new generations. In particular, many Sahelians were disillusioned by the aftermath of France's 2013 Operation Serval in Mali. What was initially a successful anti-jihad campaign turned into an endless quagmire of regional counter-terrorism efforts, while daily security for many people in Mali and neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger deteriorated.
A spate of coups in the Sahel that began in 2020 responded to popular protests over insecurity and removed civilian elites that had long respected France.
Niger's 2023 coup d'etat, which followed takeovers in Mali and Burkina Faso, echoed strategies previously drawn up by military regimes in Mali and Burkina Faso. Wearing the national flag, we declare renewed vigor and determination against jihadists, drive out French troops, work with other Western-backed security partners, and strengthen cooperation with Russia.
The US government thought it could read the changing signals slowly and poorly, simultaneously persuading the Nigerian military regime and dictating its terms. This is an inconsistent and ultimately ineffective approach.
The situation in Chad has different dynamics, but clearly trends toward similar outcomes. Chad's 2021 coup was not to overthrow the regime, but to preserve it. When Idriss Deby, the long-time autocratic president (and a staunch friend of Paris and Washington), was killed in action, his son Mahamat and senior regime insiders staged a palace coup. to maintain power. France and the United States showed little sign of caring about democracy, instead seeming to accept Mahamat Deby and the (sometimes bloody) “transition” as a fait accompli. In fact, Washington appears to be interested in deepening ties with N'Djamena.
As with other countries in Africa, Washington sought to pre-emptively blackmail the Chadian government over the Kremlin-linked Wagner Group and Russia's alleged ambitions in the region. But ultimately, Chad's authorities are considering their domestic responsibilities and distancing themselves from the United States as Deby campaigns for the May 6 presidential election, which he is almost certain to win. It seems possible to put .
One reason why US appeals to military regimes appear to be failing is that, on the one hand, the US approach to counter-jihadism in the region is fraught with contradictions. One moment, the US is training African soldiers for flashy urban raids (ignoring actual trends in violence), and the next, it's not so convincingly attacking human rights. Preaching to African troops about respect.
Although the region's militaries seem grateful for U.S. hardware and training, they place great confidence in aggressive ground and air operations against suspected jihadists, an approach that often backfires. However, the military government shows no signs of slowing down. While Paris and Washington value assassinations and raids on high-value targets, Sahel forces effectively seek a body count. (For the record, neither approach provides consistent security improvements for the general public.)
Not only has the US misread the military regime, but it continues to fail even in its withdrawal from Niger. In its final negotiations with Niger, the United States gave the impression of desperation. Marine Corps Gen. Michael Langley, commander of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), warned in Senate testimony last month that Russia is “trying to take over not only the Sahel, but also Central Africa.” [at an accelerated pace]”
On the same day as the State Department's announcement on Niger, Admiral Christopher Grady, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told The Associated Press: We want to help them, we want to empower them, we want to get things done by them, with them, and through them. ” The cliché “by, with, through'' is an old one, and even though the politics of deployment to Africa are changing so rapidly, military language remains littered with clichés. That's surprising.
The United States could send a different signal by simply cutting its losses and withdrawing, rather than resisting its expulsion so violently. phone On the other hand, if the United States acts in retaliation and cuts development aid, Washington would be on a worse path. The best thing Washington can do now is to withdraw its troops and wait for the political situation in the Sahel to evolve before considering what non-security partnerships might be beneficial for both sides.
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